Eduardo Mattos; Mônica Leite Lessa; Pablo Victor Fontes
Rev. Carta Inter., Belo Horizonte, v. 21, n. 2, e1657, 2026
1-25
The Maestro and the Emperor:
Patronage, Cultural Diplomacy and the
Brazilian soundtrack at the Philadelphia
Centennial Exposition (1876)
O Maestro e o Imperador:
Mecenato, Diplomacia Cultural e a
trilha sonora brasileira na Exposição
do Centenário da Filadélfia (1876)
El Maestro y el Emperador:
Mecenazgo, Diplomacia Cultural y la
banda sonora brasileña en la Exposición
Centenaria de Filadelfia (1876)
DOI: 10.21530/ci.v21n2.2026.1657
Eduardo Mattos
1
Mônica Leite Lessa
2
Pablo Victor Fontes
3
Abstract
This article4 examines the historical transition from the international
diffusion of culture under the Ancien Régime, rooted in patronage,
1 PhD candidate in International Relations in the Graduate Program in International
Relations at the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ), Rio de Janeiro – RJ, Brazil.
(eduardobrmattos@gmail.com). ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3842-9692.
2 PhD in Contemporary World History from Université Paris X. Associate Professor
in the Department of International Relations at the State University of Rio de
Janeiro (UERJ), Rio de Janeiro – RJ, Brazil. (monicaleitelessa@gmail.com).
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9332-2345.
3 PhD in International Relations from the Institute of International Relations at the
Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (IRI/PUC-Rio). Associate Professor
in the Department of International Relations at the State University of Rio de
Janeiro (UERJ), Rio de Janeiro – RJ, Brazil. (pablovictorfontes@gmail.com).
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5138-6773.
4 This study was financed in part by the Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de
Pessoal de Nível Superior – Brasil (CAPES) – Finance Code 001.
Artigo submetido em 12/12/2025 e aprovado em 27/07/2026.
ASSOCIAÇÃO BRASILEIRA DE
RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS
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License, which permits
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• Este é um artigo
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ISSN 2526-9038
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to modern forms of Cultural Diplomacy. Drawing on historical sociology and the
interdisciplinary intersection of music and diplomacy, the study employs the extended case
method through documentary research on the correspondence between Emperor Pedro II
and maestro Carlos Gomes. It analyzes the role of music in shaping Brazil’s international
image at the 1876 Philadelphia Centennial Exposition. The relationship between the Emperor
and the composer illustrates how artistic patronage was reconfigured into a diplomatic
strategy aimed at presenting Brazil as a “civilized” and “modern” nation to the world.
Key-words: Music, Representation, History of Brazilian Foreign Policy, Patronage, Cultural
Diplomacy.
Resumo
Este artigo analisa a transição histórica da difusão cultural internacional sob o Antigo Regime,
ancorada no mecenato, para as formas modernas de Diplomacia Cultural. Fundamentando-
se na sociologia histórica e nos estudos sobre música e diplomacia, adota-se a metodologia
do estudo de caso ampliado a partir de uma pesquisa documental da correspondência entre
o Imperador Dom Pedro II e o maestro Carlos Gomes. Investiga-se o papel da música na
construção da imagem internacional do Brasil na Exposição do Centenário da Filadélfia
(1876). A relação entre o monarca e o compositor ilustra como o mecenato artístico foi
reconfigurado em estratégia diplomática para projetar o Brasil como uma nação “civilizada”
e “moderna”, atenuando contradições internas como a persistência da escravidão.
Palavras-chave: Música, Representação, História da Política Externa Brasileira, Mecenato,
Diplomacia Cultural.
Resumen
Este artículo analiza la transición histórica desde la difusión internacional de la cultura
bajo el Antiguo Régimen, anclada en el sistema de mecenazgo, hacia las formas modernas
de diplomacia cultural. Basándose en la sociología histórica y en los estudios sobre música
y diplomacia, el trabajo emplea el método del caso ampliado mediante una investigación
documental de la correspondencia entre Pedro II y Carlos Gomes. Se analiza el papel de la
música en la construcción de la imagen internacional de Brasil en la Exposición Centenaria
de Filadelfia de 1876. La relación entre el emperador Dom Pedro II y el compositor ilustra
cómo el mecenazgo artístico fue reconfigurado como una estrategia diplomática orientada
a presentar a Brasil como una nación “civilizada” y “moderna”.
Palabras clave: Música, Representación, Historia de la Política Exterior Brasileña, Mecenazgo,
Diplomacia Cultural.
Eduardo Mattos; Mônica Leite Lessa; Pablo Victor Fontes
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Introduction
The second international journey of Brazilian emperor Dom Pedro II included
an extended stay in the United States of America and visits to France, Austria,
Italy, Egypt, Palestine, Syria, among other countries. During this trip, the monarch
was received as a guest of honor at the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition (1876).
Modeled after similar events held by the great European powers, the Exposition
aimed to showcase the material achievements of capitalist development in the
U.S. while celebrating the anniversary of the country’s independence. For the
Empire of Brazil – and the emperor in particular – the event was not only an
opportunity to promote Brazilian commodities, notably coffee and cotton, but
also to present a positive image of the country to the “civilized world”5.
The concern with Brazil’s international image was rooted in an evident
contradiction: while Brazilian elites wished to showcase the country’s proximity to
European “civilization”, to European audiences the sole monarchy of the Americas
was a “backward” country, considering the maintenance of an economic system
sustained by slave labor well into the late nineteenth century. Therefore, events
such as the great Universal Exhibitions of the time were seen as opportunities to
mitigate these political and moral anachronisms, in a symbolic effort that became
even more important following the destruction provoked during the Paraguayan
War (1864-1870) (Skidmore 1992; Schwarcz and Starling 2018; Schwarcz 2018;
2024; Belém Lopes 2025).
After attending the opening ceremony of the Centennial Exposition in May
1876, Pedro II contacted the most prominent Brazilian composer of the time,
maestro Carlos Gomes, demanding the composition of a hymn to be performed
during the official celebration of the U.S. Independence in July. Hastily composed
by Gomes in Italy, the hymn “Greeting from Brazil” was sent to the emperor in
time to be performed during the commemoration. The correspondence between
the maestro and the emperor – mediated by a Brazilian diplomat in Rome –
reveals a clear intent to include music in the strategies implemented by the
Brazilian imperial government to promote the country’s image at the event. The
5 Drawing upon Ricupero (2004, XXV), we understand “civilization” as a key ideal of 19th-century Brazilian elites.
For the imperial intelligentsia, becoming a “civilized nation” meant adapting European political and cultural
traditions to Brazil, thereby reshaping its relationship with the capitalist core. We argue that the notions of the
“civilized” and the “modern” were deeply informed by Social Darwinism, combining geographic determinism
and racial theories that viewed miscegenation pessimistically, assuming that acquired characteristics could
not be inherited (Schwarcz 1993, 46).
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occasion also sparks interest because it allows us to reflect on the monarch’s
role in projecting the country’s culture internationally, taking into account the
transformations in the historical relationship between State authorities and artists.
This paper contributes to the field of International Relations, specially for
Brazilian Foreign Policy History and Cultural International Relations agendas
by highlighting a shift in the projection of Brazil’s culture and image abroad
during the Second Reign period (1840–1889). Based on Perry Anderson’s (2013)
comments on the transformations in diplomatic practice observed between
Absolutist States and modern nation-states, our main argument is that there
is a political distinction among the practices aimed at international cultural
diffusion employed by these different State regimes. Under the Ancien Régime,
the patronage system subjected artists to the political power of monarchs, and
the international diffusion of culture by diplomats and State agents served
primarily to exalt the image of the sovereign (Mayer 1987; Adorno 1989; Elias
1993; Burke 1994; Giovani 2014; Spohr 2014). The demise of the Absolutist
State and subsequent emergence of the nation as the legitimizing paradigm for
State sovereignty brought with Modernity provoked a transformation in these
cultural relations: artists were no longer bound to serve the sovereign, and were
gradually considered representatives of a national culture (Elias 1993; Burke
1994; Thiesse 1999; Hobsbawm 1983; 2012; Anderson 2013). The structuring of
Cultural Diplomacy in the mid 19th century thus became a State practice that
mobilized elements of national culture to construct an international image no
longer centered on a prince (Mattos 2025).
Although Brazil did not experience the Ancien Régime, the Empire adopted
certain transplanted practices, such as royal patronage to the arts and sciences
(Schwarcz 1998). At the same time, State-funded artistic institutions were pivotal
to a fundamentally modern project: the construction of a Brazilian “image of
nationality” (Rouanet 1991, 241; Ricupero 2004; Mattos 2025, 82-83). In this sense,
the relationship between Carlos Gomes and Pedro II is particularly interesting,
considering the maestro greatly benefitted from a close relationship with the
emperor, while simultaneously building a career as a freelance artist that embodied
Brazilian national musical culture in the view of the country’s elites (Góes 1996;
Mattos 2025). From the analysis of the epistolary exchanges regarding the inclusion
of Gomes’s music among Brazil’s contributions to the 1876 Philadelphia Exposition,
we argue that modern forms of Cultural Diplomacy emerged within the framework
of imperial patronage, foreshadowing later institutional developments. In this
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context, the paper also traces an early example of a tradition in the Empire’s
diplomacy: the deliberate effort to present Brazil as a “civilized” and “modern”
country
6
, aligned with the political and cultural interests of its ruling class, even
as the country remained bound to slavery (Ricupero 2004).
We argue that the support given by the government, and by the emperor
himself, to maestro Carlos Gomes represents a key milestone in understanding the
political dynamics of Cultural Diplomacy practices undertaken by the Brazilian
State. This is especially evident in the central role of classical music in shaping the
country’s international image, a focus that extended beyond the imperial period.
According to Fléchet (2012), Brazilian diplomacy invested almost exclusively in
promoting this genre abroad until the late 1950s. In this context, Gomes’ music
exemplifies how the Empire of Brazil inaugurated a tradition of using classical
music to project the nation as “civilized” and aligned with European standards
of material, social and cultural progress.
Methodologically, this article employs qualitative, historical-discursive
research based on physical and digital archives. The analysis utilizes primary
sources, such as official correspondence, diplomatic documents, and cultural
records, and secondary literature to examine the communication between Emperor
Pedro II and maestro Carlos Gomes, highlighting music’s role in shaping the
Empire of Brazil’s international image in Philadelphia. To this end, it adopts
the extended case methodology, understood through Lai and Roccu (2019, 3)
as a flexible approach to theory building that privileges contextually rich and
complex accounts of the social world, while attributing an emancipatory function
to the production of knowledge. Drawing on cultural history and the historical
sociology of International Relations (Elias 1993; Devin 2010), the study interprets
the symbolic practices of the Empire’s international projection and situates them
within the broader framework of Brazilian Cultural Diplomacy.
The article is organized into three main sections. The first examines the
political and cultural implications of the shift from an aristocratic patronage
model to the modern practices of Cultural Diplomacy. The second develops a
6 This article problematizes the categories “civilized” and “modern” to show how language shapes perception
and knowledge production. Rather than treating language as neutral, it highlights its epistemological and
sociopolitical dimensions. While existing approaches emphasize positionality and situatedness, they often
overlook researchers’ own use of language. Building on Alejandro (2021, 3–5), the article reflects on analytical
categories as a means of decentering naturalized assumptions and increasing awareness of who speaks and
from where. As Alejandro (2021, 2) argues, problematizing categories can generate more rigorous empirical
findings and nuanced analyses within qualitative research.
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methodological approach centered on documentary research, underscoring its key
contributions to the field of International Relations (IR), particularly within the
historiography of Brazilian foreign policy, through an extended case study, The
Brazilian Experience in Philadelphia (1876). The final section analyzes efforts
to shape the international image of the Empire of Brazil at the Philadelphia
Centennial Exposition (1876), highlighting how its aesthetic-political project
reflected the emperor’s intention to project a “civilized” and “modern” national
identity – partly through the use of Gomes’s music.
Culture and Diplomacy: from Absolutism to the modern
nation-state
The employment of cultural products and expressions for diplomatic purposes
is a long-standing practice in international relations. As Spohr (2014, 19) notes,
under the Ancien Régime art could represent a prince’s cultural capital, serving to
demonstrate to foreign emissaries that he was “conversant with current cultural
developments”. Burke (1994, 162) similarly observes that, during Louis XIV’s
reign in France, ambassadors formed a substantial part of the audience for court
festivals, plays, and operas, while French diplomats sponsored performances
abroad in order to increase the king’s reputation throughout Europe. Over time,
however, transformations in the relationship between State and culture, as well
as between authorities and artists, reshaped the diplomatic functions of cultural
production.
As Perry Anderson argues, the Absolutist State pioneered a series of
institutional innovations that would later become central to modern nation-states,
including professional armies and formal diplomacy (Anderson 2013, 29). Yet,
despite these continuities, diplomatic practices under the Ancien Régime differed
fundamentally from those of the modern international system. As Anderson
(2013, 38–39) notes, the ultimate source of legitimacy in Absolutism was the
dynasty rather than the nation; the ruling principles of the age were therefore
grounded in dynastic continuity, not in nationalism or territorial sovereignty.
This distinction is also relevant to understand the diplomatic use of culture.
Authors such as Elias (1993), Mayer (1987), and Adorno (1989) emphasize that
musicians in aristocratic courts were embedded in systems of patronage and
regarded as servants of the sovereign. Kings and princes commissioned musical
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works, determined the circumstances of their performance, selected audiences,
and frequently influenced their themes (Elias 1993, 29). In this context, music
fulfilled what Elias (1993, 47) described as an utilitarian function, serving royal
ceremonial, aristocratic sociability, and the symbolic projection of monarchical
authority (Adorno 1989, 58; Giovani 2014; Spohr 2014). Studies of diplomatic
musical practices illustrate this dynamic. Spohr (2014) shows how the performance
of concealed music7 during the reception of French ambassadors by King Christian
IV of Denmark in 1634 projected the monarch’s political intentions and cultural
refinement. Similarly, Giovani (2014) demonstrates that serenatas8 commissioned
by ambassadors in eighteenth-century Venice frequently celebrated dynastic
events, military victories, royal birthdays, and religious festivities, functioning
as explicit tributes to rulers and ruling houses. The diplomatic circulation of
music thus primarily contributed to the glorification of sovereigns rather than
to the representation of broader political communities.
The nineteenth century witnessed important transformations in this
configuration. The gradual rise of the bourgeoisie and the expansion of cultural
markets created more favorable conditions for artistic autonomy and for the
emergence of what Elias (1993, 28) termed the “freelance artist”. Musicians
increasingly depended on public audiences, publishers, and commercial contracts
rather than exclusively on aristocratic sponsorship (Elias 1993, 39–41; Parker
2002, 92). Music came to be valued as an artistic creation in its own right, while
artists acquired a new social status as individual creators and cultural authorities
(Elias 1993, 46–47; Hobsbawm 2012, 290). Although government support for
cultural institutions may be interpreted as a persistence of the Ancien Régime
(Mayer 1987), the broader transformations associated with Modernity gradually
altered the official uses of culture.
Indeed, the rise of the nation constituted one of the defining political and
cultural developments of the modern era (Anderson 2016; Hobsbawm 2012;
Thiesse 1999). As dynastic and religious forms of legitimacy weakened, the
nation emerged as a new basis for collective identification and political authority.
7 The term refers to a musical performance in which the musicians can be heard but not seen by the audience.
This effect was achieved by constructing chambers and rooms connected by pipes that allowed sound to travel
from one space to another (Spohr 2014).
8 The eighteenth-century serenata is a dramatic form of accompanied vocal music, usually performed publicly,
after sunset, in the open air or in the courtyard of the palace. (...) Serenatas took on a representative function
derived from their ability to display greatness while fulfilling the need for entertainment and the obligation
to celebrate a particular event” (Giovani 2014, 45).
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Citizens increasingly came to be imagined as members of a shared community
characterized by common cultural elements such as language, literature, and
folklore (Anderson 2016, 128; Hobsbawm 2012, 13–14; Thiesse 1999, 14). Even
surviving monarchies adapted to this transformation by progressively nationalizing
their symbols and political narratives (Anderson 2016, 130–131; Thiesse 1999,
15). As Burke (1994, 201) summarizes, “Louis represented God, but later rulers
represented the nation.”
Consequently, the political meaning of cultural representation also changed.
If, under Absolutism, music was employed to exalt the sovereign and display his
refinement, in the modern nation-state it increasingly came to be understood as an
expression of national culture. The diplomatic use of music therefore shifted from
the glorification of rulers toward the projection of collective national identities.
Studies on modern European cultural initiatives illustrate this transformation.
Gienow-Hecht (2009) demonstrates how German diplomats capitalized on the
prestige of German classical music and composers such as Beethoven in order
to strengthen the international image of the German Empire. Similarly, Campo-
Bowen (2016) shows how Smetana’s opera The Bartered Bride was mobilized by
Czechoslovak diplomacy as a symbol of national culture and state legitimacy.
In both cases, musical traditions already established abroad were appropriated
by state authorities as instruments of national representation.
These developments help illuminate the emergence of what scholars define
as Cultural Diplomacy. According to Crespo (2012), Dumont and Fléchet (2014),
Frank (2003a, 2003b), Lessa (2002), and Suppo and Lessa (2007), Cultural
Diplomacy refers to the international dissemination of selected cultural products
and expressions in support of state objectives. Such initiatives may seek to improve
a country’s image, facilitate political and commercial relations, expand audiences
for national cultural industries, or strengthen symbolic influence abroad (Crespo
2012, 112; Lessa 2002; Suppo and Lessa 2007, 244–245). As Frank (2003b, 326)
notes, Cultural Diplomacy promotes a nation’s “cultural presence abroad,” while
Suppo and Lessa (2007, 245) describe it as a form of “national propaganda.”
The emphasis on the national dimension is particularly significant. Unlike
the forms of cultural projection typical of the Ancien Régime, Cultural Diplomacy
presupposes a political context in which the nation-state constitutes the primary
actor of international relations. In this sense, Cultural Diplomacy should be
understood as the diplomacy of national culture. While it shares continuities
with earlier forms of international cultural circulation, it differs both in its
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institutionalization within state structures and in its focus on representing the
nation rather than the sovereign. The international prestige of cultural figures,
often initially generated through private initiatives, becomes a resource that
can later be mobilized by the State in support of broader diplomatic objectives
(Dumont and Fléchet 2014; Fléchet 2012; Frank 2003b).
Although the examples discussed above derive primarily from European
experiences, this historical understanding of Cultural Diplomacy can also illuminate
developments in other regions of the world. The nation-state became a global
model of political organization during the nineteenth century, and ideas associated
with Romanticism, nationalism, and national culture circulated far beyond Europe
(Anderson 2016; Ricupero 2004). The notion that cultural production could
represent the nation both domestically and internationally became increasingly
influential across diverse historical contexts.
Brazil offers a particularly relevant example. Following independence, the
Empire of Brazil emerged as the only monarchy in the Americas while remaining
a slaveholding society, a combination that profoundly shaped its processes of
state-building and nation formation (Ricupero 2004; Rouanet 1991; Schwarcz
1998). For imperial elites, the construction of the Brazilian nation involved not
only the adoption of European political forms but also the promotion of cultural
markers associated with civilization and national identity (Mattos 2025; Ricupero
2004). Institutions such as the Brazilian Historical and Geographical Institute
(IHGB), the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts, and the Imperial Music Conservatory
played important roles in this process by fostering historical narratives, artistic
production, and national symbols compatible with the political project of the
Empire (Mattos 2025; Rouanet 1991; Schwarcz and Starling 2018).
The Empire of Brazil thus constituted a context in which monarchical
traditions coexisted with a modern nation-building project actively supported
by Pedro II (Schwarcz 1998). This combination makes nineteenth-century Brazil
a particularly useful case for examining how practices associated with patronage
and monarchical representation intersected with emerging forms of Cultural
Diplomacy. Building on this discussion, the following section examines how
these dynamics became visible in the Brazilian participation at the Philadelphia
Centennial Exposition of 1876, particularly through Pedro II’s support for Carlos
Gomes and the international projection of Brazilian cultural production.
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Documentary Research and the Extended Case Method: The
Brazilian Experience in Philadelphia (1876)
In April 1876, Dom Pedro II arrived in the United States of America to
participate in the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition (Schwarcz 1998, 552–553).
Although attending the event as a private individual, the Brazilian monarch joined
the efforts of numerous Brazilian authorities involved in organizing the Empire’s
exhibits. Beyond showcasing agricultural products, machinery, photographs,
paintings, and indigenous artifacts, Brazil sought to project an image of itself as
a “modern” and “civilized” nation (Skidmore 1992; Uslenghi 2016; Mattos 2025).
This effort, however, coexisted with deep domestic contradictions, particularly
the persistence of slavery and the aftermath of the Paraguayan War (Schwarcz
1998; Skidmore 1992).
The communication established between the emperor, Carlos Gomes, and
the Baron of Javary is preserved in the form of letters and telegrams, which
constitute essential sources for this study. Documentary research is a methodology
routinely employed in History and Sociology; however, its role is interdisciplinary,
influencing the field of International Relations, especially in the study of Foreign
Policy History and Cultural Diplomacy. We understand documentary research
as a systematic procedure aimed at reviewing or evaluating documents, both
printed and electronic, recognizing them as rich sources of data while also
acknowledging that they are not necessarily precise or complete records of past
events (Prior 2003; Bowen 2009; Yanow 2007).
Based on De Certeau (1992), Yanow (2007), and Morgan (2002), documents
are understood as intentional testimonies shaped by political and cultural relations.
Through processes of creation, preservation, and interpretation, documentary
research highlights how historical narratives are constructed, negotiated, and
institutionalized. In this sense, documents do not merely describe reality but
also prescribe meanings, actors, and agendas. This approach allows us to explore
the traces and evidence that compose the historiographical narrative of Brazilian
International Relations.
In this paper, documentary research focused on the archives of the National
Historical Museum (Museu Histórico Nacional – MHN) and the Imperial Museum
(Museu Imperial – MI), which hold part of the collection “Antonio Carlos Gomes:
composer of two worlds,” registered in UNESCO’s Memory of the World Program
since 2017. The primary selection criterion was temporal, focusing on documents
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produced in 1876. Access to the MHN collection required an in-person visit in
March 2024, complemented by digital materials later provided by the institution.
The Imperial Museum’s collection was accessed through its online repository. In
addition to archival materials, the research also considered other sets of documents
relevant for reconstructing the broader context in which Pedro II and Carlos
Gomes were embedded. These include records from American newspapers such
as The New York Herald and New-York Tribune, as well as official documents
produced by the Brazilian commission responsible for the country’s participation
in the Exposition (Comissão Representante do Império do Brazil 1875; 1876;
Coutinho 1878).
To analytically ground this empirical reconstruction, the study draws on the
sociological approach developed by Norbert Elias9, whose historical sociology
is guided by the reflection on the individual and society as fundamental and
inseparable dimensions. Based on the concept of configuration, Elias emphasizes
two distinct yet interdependent levels of observation: individuals (or “players”)
and the networks of interdependence in which they are embedded (the “game”)
(Devin, 2010, 80–81). This approach, according to Guillaume Devin (2010, 64–65),
enables the individual to be situated within their historical and social context.
From this perspective, reflecting on the exposition and, subsequently, on the
interactions between Emperor Pedro II and the musician Carlos Gomes reinforces
the idea that an individual outside any social configuration is inconceivable.
This becomes clearer when considered alongside processes of state formation,
particularly as individuals are seen as inseparable from their increasingly dense
insertion into national dynamics and broader networks of interdependence
among states. In the Brazilian case, this dynamic is expressed in the production
and projection of a particular national identity, especially in the transition from
patronage to more institutionalized forms of cultural diplomacy.
This processual and relational perspective reinforces the article’s engagement
with the extended case method (Lai and Roccu 2019), which enables the articulation
of micro-level empirical evidence with broader theoretical debates. In doing so,
9 Norbert Elias’s processual sociology provides common ground between “domestic analysts” and “internationalists.”
Rather than examining interactions between predefined spheres, it conceives social phenomena as embedded
in changing networks of interdependence. The key question is therefore empirical: identifying the boundaries
of these interdependence chains without imposing a priori analytical divisions. This approach rejects linear
and teleological models of social change, emphasizing contingent and non-predetermined configurations. At
the same time, Elias retained an evolutionary understanding of international relations through his notion of
the civilizing process (Devin 2010, 71–73).
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it departs from traditional methodological discussions on case study research in
International Relations (IR) and Political Science (PS) (Yin 2009; Gerring 2013),
whose trajectories have largely been shaped by positivist and neopositivist
approaches. Within these paradigms, two dominant tendencies prevail, each
reflecting different understandings of causality and logics of inference, yet both
sharing ontological commitments to a mind-world separation to which critical,
“reflexivist” IR does not subscribe (Lai and Roccu 2019, 4). Instead, this article
adopts a critical and reflexivist perspective in which the case is understood as
constructed through a dynamic interaction with theory. Rather than being merely
selected, the case is interpreted as historically situated knowledge, produced
through processes of extension rather than generalization.
In reflecting on the Philadelphia Centennial Exposition (1876), this article
approaches the event as part of a complex representational sphere, that is, a
space in which nations constructed and projected images of themselves (Hall;
Nixon and Evans 2024), understood in non-linear terms. Rather than suggesting
a simple transplantation of ideals, it emphasizes the nuanced processes of their
circulation and adaptation, particularly in the interplay between patronage
and emerging forms of modern cultural diplomacy. This perspective requires
careful engagement with context and positionality, as well as the production of
explicitly political knowledge with, above all, emancipatory potential. For this
reason, the extended case method aligns with the ontological and epistemological
commitments of various critical approaches in IR, as well as with studies on the
history of foreign policy that employ genealogies, ethnographies, documentary
research, and related methodologies. In reflecting on the Philadelphia Centennial
Exposition, this article advances the extended case method as a process of
knowledge production grounded in a single case, with the aim of contributing
to ongoing debates on the development of a critical reflexivist approach to case
study research.
It engages with scholarly debates through non-causal and non-positivist
perspectives, recognizing that knowledge production is not neutral but inherently
political and potentially emancipatory (Lai and Roccu 2019, 5–6). Accordingly,
the study draws on methodological strategies that are relational, dialogical, and
participatory. Such a critical approach rejects the separation between the object
of study and the researcher, instead situating the latter’s political role within the
social relations that surround the object of inquiry, rather than assuming the
distance and detachment typically associated with positivist scholarship. Finally,
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we emphasize that the extended case methodology should be understood as a self-
reflexive approach grounded in situated knowledge. The critical methodological
proposal we advance for case studies attends to the evolving nature of power
relations and social forces, as well as to how these shape societies while, at the
same time, being constituted by them (Lai and Roccu 2019, 6).
In analytical terms, rather than treating the 1876 Philadelphia Exposition as
an isolated historical episode, this case is mobilized to refine debates on Cultural
Diplomacy, patronage, and the transition from the Ancien Régime to modern state
practices. The empirical material thus plays a constitutive role in the development
of the article’s theoretical argument. Building on this framework, the following
section reconstructs the interactions between Pedro II, Carlos Gomes, and the
Brazilian diplomatic apparatus, examining how documentary evidence reveals
the emergence of cultural diplomacy practices in the Brazilian Empire.
Carlos Gomes, Pedro II, and the Image of the Empire
of Brazil
After attending the opening ceremony of the Centennial Exposition,
Pedro II sent a telegram to a Brazilian diplomat in Rome, the Baron of Javary,
requesting that he contact the main Brazilian composer of the time, Carlos
Gomes (Javary 1876a, 1). The monarch demanded the composition of a hymn in
honor of the centennial of the host country, to be performed during the official
celebrations on July 4th, and did not accept excuses (Javary 1876a, 1; Virmond
and Nogueira 2014).
On May 11, 1876, shortly after receiving the emperor’s message, the Baron
of Javary wrote a letter to Carlos Gomes. In the letter, kept in the archive of the
MHN, the diplomat conveys the monarch’s orders and urges the composer to
act quickly, considering that the hymn should be sent to the U.S. in time to be
rehearsed before its official performance (Javary 1876a, 2). The Baron concludes
his letter by stating:
Our August Sovereign is giving you a new proof of distinction, to which
I’m sure my dear Maestro will respond with solicitude. So let’s get to
work. The dedication we all pay to our Benevolent Monarch will inspire
my dear Maestro to write a precious hymn that will satisfy the Emperor
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and bring glory to the author and to the Brazilian name. (Javary 1876a,
2 our translation).
10
According to Virmond and Nogueira (2014, 2), the Brazilian consul in New
York had already contacted Carlos Gomes requesting a piece to be composed
specifically for the Philadelphia Exposition, but received a negative response from
the composer as early as April 1876. The Brazilian maestro, however, relented
in face of the emperor’s more direct and assertive stance, stating in his reply to
the Baron of Javary that he would abandon “all commitments in Italy to fulfill
the Emperor’s order” (Gomes 1876a, our translation), while also requesting
further details so he could begin working on the hymn. In a second, undated
telegram to the Baron, Gomes once again declared that he was waiting for more
information regarding the “artistic elements that would be available” (Gomes
1876b, our translation) for the performance of the hymn in Philadelphia. The
response to the composer’s inquiries came directly from the emperor, who, in
a telegram dated May 19, 1876, stated that the hymn should be composed for
orchestra only (thus, without a choir) and indicated the date by which the score
should be in the hands of the Brazilian diplomatic corps (Pedro II 1876).
The archives of the MI contain a score of the hymn dated May 22, 1876, which
was likely the date the work was completed. The following correspondence on
the subject located by our research, this time from the MHN, is a letter authored
by the Baron of Javary dated June 4, 1876, in which he states:
Our Legation in Paris informed me in an official dispatch on the 1st of this
month that it had received nine strapped rolls from Milan, plus a bundle
destined for His Majesty, and that it had immediately sent everything to
Washington. The composition arrived in Paris just in time to be sent by
the steamer that left Le Havre yesterday and will arrive in New York on
the 12th or 13th of this month. The orders of our Benevolent Monarch have
therefore been carried out; the hymn is on its way, and by now the Emperor
should have received the telegram I sent him yesterday, notifying him of
everything (Javary 1876b, 1-2 our translation).
11
10 “O nosso Augusto Soberano dá-lhe uma nova prova de distincção, à qual estou certo que o meu caro Maestro
responderá com solicitude. Assim pois, mãos à obra. A dedicação que todos tributamos ao nosso Benemerito
Monarca hade inspirar ao meu caro Maestro um precioso hymno que satisfaça ao Imperador e redunde em glória
para o autor e para o nome brazileiro.”
11 “A nossa Legação em Paris participou-me em officio do 1º do corrente que tinha recebido de Milão nove rolos
cintados, e mais um maço destinado a Sua Magestade, e que logo expedira tudo para Washington. A composição
chegou a Paris muito a tempo de ser remettida pelo Vapor que hontem partiu do Havre, e que chegará a New York
a 12 ou 13 do corrente. Achão-se pois cumpridas as ordens do nosso Benemerito Monarca; o hymno vai em viagem,
e a esta hora já o Imperador terá recebido o telegramma que hontem lhe dirigi, dando-lhe de tudo aviso.”
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The Baron of Javary also added a number of comments on the musical
aspects of the piece and advised the Brazilian composer to consult the emperor
before selling the copyright of the composition (Javary 1876b). We estimate that
the hymn reached the emperor on the date predicted by the Brazilian diplomat
in his final letter: in his personal diary, Pedro II mentions that he gifted a copy
of Gomes’s score to a relative of the director of the Academy of Fine Arts in
Philadelphia on June 22 (Bediaga 1999, 60). Just three days later, the American
newspaper The New York Herald published an article on the “Brazilian tribute”
to the United States of America, including a review of the piano, orchestra,
and military band scores (A Brazilian [...] 1876). Considering that the scores
were sent to the emperor via diplomatic mail, it can be assumed that one of
the Brazilian diplomats in the U.S. – or even Pedro II himself – forwarded these
materials to the press. Gomes’s hymn, announced in the official program of the
July 4, 1876 celebrations as “Greeting from Brazil”, was performed immediately
after the reading of the original Declaration of Independence of the United States
(Virmond and Nogueira 2014).
According to the New-York Tribune, the announcement of the Brazilian piece
was followed by loud applause from the audience, which seemed to please the
emperor, who “was evidently very much interested in the success of the hymn”
(Dawn [...] 1876, 1). Similarly, The New York Herald reported that Gomes’s
composition was “well received by the multitude, and was frequently interrupted
with applause” (Evarts 1876, 3). The positive reception by the public may be
attributed to the favorable impression the emperor had cultivated during his
months-long stay in the U.S., a fact widely reported in the press (Dawn [...] 1876,
1; Schwarcz 1998, 553; Uslenghi 2016, 31). In his personal diary, however, Pedro
II lamented that, from the tribune where he was standing, “Carlos Gomes’s hymn
was barely audible due to the distance and the noise of the crowd” (Bediaga
1999, 64).
Reports of the public appraisal in Philadelphia contrast with the negative
reception by the press. According to Virmond and Nogueira (2014, 7, our
translation), “there is an unmistakable intention to relegate Gomes to a secondary
role” on the part of the American press, which compared the Brazilian’s composition
to another work commissioned for the Centennial Exposition: a hymn by German
composer Richard Wagner, performed at the opening ceremony in May 1876.
The correspondence exchanged between the emperor, the Baron of Javary,
and Carlos Gomes indicates that it was Pedro II himself that promoted this musical
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initiative. Although Virmond and Nogueira (2014) report that the Brazilian consul
in New York had requested a composition from Gomes, the authors also suggest
that “in truth, it was the Emperor who asked the consul to propose the work to
Gomes” (Virmond and Nogueira 2014, 2, our translation). It is also important
to note the absence of any mention of Gomes’s hymn in the official documents
produced by Brazilian authorities responsible for organizing the country’s pavilions
(Commissão Representante do Imperio do Brazil 1875, 1876; Coutinho 1878).
In a certain sense, the emperor’s request for a hymn evokes the patronage
system, in which music served an “utilitarian” function in the festivities and
ceremonies of aristocracy, and musicians were expected to provide a “service”
to sovereigns through their compositions (Adorno 1989, 58; Elias 1993, 46). It
seems evident that the emperor’s image would benefit from the performance of
a piece publicly announced as the result of his request (A Brazilian [...] 1876;
Dawn [...] 1876; Evarts 1876), contributing to his popularity as a cultured
monarch and a lover and promoter of the arts (Schwarcz 1998) – a quality highly
valued among sovereigns of the Ancien Régime (Elias 1993, 47; Giovani 2014;
Spohr 2014, 19). Simultaneously, the presentation of a musical piece distanced
Pedro II from the image of a “war tyrant” (Schwarcz 1998, 516) imprinted on
him internationally following the Paraguayan War.
However, it is important to recognize that the primary objective of Brazil’s
participation in the event was not to glorify the figure of Pedro II in particular
but rather to promote the image of the Empire of Brazil more broadly. While the
monarchy was undoubtedly part of that image, even official documents produced
by Brazilian authorities do not excessively praise the sovereign. Instead, they
describe his constitutional roles and his support for the arts and sciences as
elements of Brazilian reality (Commissão Representante do Império do Brazil
1875). The other artistic exhibitions organized by the Brazilian Commission
are also particularly revealing: the selected paintings emphasized historical
themes, such as the Paraguayan War (1865–1870); the photographs – chosen
by the emperor himself – depicted natural landscapes from northeastern Brazil,
coral specimens, and views of cities like Recife and Rio de Janeiro (Commissão
Representante do Império do Brazil 1876, 50–51; Uslenghi 2016, 73–75).
The relationship between Carlos Gomes and Pedro II must also be taken into
account. On the one hand, Gomes was never formally subject to the patronage
system; after all, he was not among the musicians directly employed by the
Brazilian imperial court (Góes 1996; Mattos 2025, 125). The composer was
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financed by the Brazilian State during two periods of his career (1863–1868 and
1873–1878) through stipends granted by the Imperial Music Conservatory of Rio
de Janeiro and the Brazilian Parliament, respectively – unlike other contemporary
composers who were directly sponsored by the emperor (Góes 1996, 35-37; Mattos
2025, 86). At the same time, the Brazilian maestro built his career as a freelance
artist in Italy, supporting himself through contracts with music publishers for
the printing and distribution of his compositions (Góes 1996; Mattos 2025, 125).
On the other hand, one cannot overlook the relevance of a “heritage” of
the patronage system in the relationship between the maestro and the emperor:
Carlos Gomes received financial support from the Brazilian monarch on numerous
occasions throughout his career and benefitted from his closeness to the imperial
elites (Góes 1996). Possibly as a result, their correspondence reveals a deeply
deferential tone by the composer, who repeatedly expressed his desire to remain
under the monarch’s protection and dedicated several works to the Brazilian
imperial family (Mattos 2025, 127). Thus, Carlos Gomes would not have refused
a direct commission from Pedro II for an event such as the Centennial Exposition
– and the emperor was sure of it.
It is within this complex context that Pedro II’s decision to commission the
hymn “Greeting from Brazil” from Carlos Gomes should be understood. Even
though the inclusion of Gomes’s hymn in the official program stemmed from
the personal initiative of the monarch, this composition can be placed within
a broader framework – that is, within the strategies employed by both Pedro II
and the imperial government to promote a positive image of the Empire of Brazil
at the Centennial Exposition (Skidmore 1992; Schwarcz 1998; Uslenghi 2016).
It is interesting to note that the Brazilian emperor employed the tradition of
monarchical superiority over an artist, inherited from the Ancien Régime, in an
attempt to better present the Empire of Brazil in a deeply symbolic event of the
bourgeoisie’s conquered political and economic hegemony in the late nineteenth
century (Hobsbawm 1996, 41). Thus, we observe that the performance of the
hymn at the Centennial Exposition was an experience marked by the coexistence
of characteristics from both models of international cultural diffusion, in a
reflection of the contradictions that ruled over the Empire of Brazil, a country
where “(...) the principle of popular sovereignty lived with the divine sanction
(...)” (Schwarcz 1998, 493, our translation). This scenario is synthesized by
Javary’s words, when he states that the hymn should simultaneously “satisfy
the Emperor” and “bring glory (...) to the Brazilian name” (Javary 1876a).
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Ultimately, the national content of said initiative leads us to consider it as an
early example of Brazilian Cultural Diplomacy.
In this sense, Pedro II’s choice of Carlos Gomes is particularly significant. At
the time, the composer was the leading figure in the Brazilian musical scene –
and one of the foremost names in the country’s broader cultural scenario. This
recognition stemmed mainly from an unprecedented achievement for a Brazilian
artist of that period: in 1870, his opera Il Guarany premiered at Milan’s Teatro
alla Scala – one of the world’s most prestigious opera houses – where it achieved
great success with the Italian public (Góes 1996; Mattos 2025). The work became
one of the most popular titles in the Italian operatic repertoire during the 1870s
and had considerable international impact, with premieres in England, Chile,
Argentina, Spain, Uruguay, the Russian Empire, Portugal, France, and Cuba until
1880 (Góes 1996, 249; Mattos 2025, 109–110). Although Il Guarany would only
debut in the United States in 1884, popular excerpts from this opera – as well as
from Salvator Rosa (1874), another of Gomes’s works – had already been featured
in concerts by musical touring companies in the country since late 1875 (Mattos
2025, 128–129). This demonstrates that the Brazilian composer enjoyed a level
of international prominence that enabled the Brazilian State to instrumentalize
his music in support of its diplomatic initiatives.
Beyond that, one must also consider the relevance of Gomes and his work
within the broader scenario of Brazilian national culture. Il Guarany was based
on the foremost Brazilian historical novel of the mid-nineteenth century – “O
Guarani” (1857), by José de Alencar –, establishing itself as part of a broader
trend of cultural productions increasingly concerned with the country’s “image
of nationality” (Rouanet 1991, 241). The construction of this image involved
depictions of nature and the promotion of certain characters from the “national
history” in literature, poetry, visual arts, and music – a formula largely adapted
from European Romanticism (Rouanet 1991; Schwarcz 1998; Mattos 2025). While
Indigenous peoples were often represented as “national heroes” in fantasized
historical novels such as Alencar’s “O Guarani”, the country’s black population
was deliberately excluded from this national imaginary (Mattos 2025; Ricupero
2004; Santos 2007; Skidmore 1992). This movement received official support
especially during Pedro II’s reign, when the Empire began promoting this new
“national culture” through State-funded institutions such as the Brazilian Historical
and Geographical Institute, the Imperial Academy of Fine Arts, and the Imperial
Conservatory of Rio de Janeiro (Rouanet 1991; Schwarcz 1998).
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Carlos Gomes thus represented the success of a cultural project aimed at
constructing a Brazilian national identity under the auspices of the imperial
elites – yet another reason why he and his music could be selected for this
musical initiative. After all, the “score of identity” (Fléchet 2012) chosen by
the emperor of Brazil to represent the country abroad could not contradict the
political-identitarian project promoted domestically. As Mattos (2025, 103, our
translation) puts it, Gomes “[demonstrated] the ability of a citizen of the ‘tropics’
to masterfully uphold the European artistic models”. Although it is possible to
observe a relationship that mirrors the dynamics of the patronage system, Gomes
was not seen as a mere “servant” employed to glorify the monarch abroad; instead,
the composer was considered the main representative of Brazilian national music.
His international success proved that the Empire of Brazil was able to participate
in the cultural environment of the “civilized nations”, something the country
aimed to prove in its attendance to the Centennial Exposition.
The outcomes of the initiative promoted by Pedro II, however, are difficult to
measure. As mentioned earlier, Gomes’s music pleased the audience present at the
ceremony in Philadelphia but was met with indifference by the press. In a letter
to a friend dated August 1876, Gomes celebrated the successful performance of
his hymn in Philadelphia, noting that the emperor himself had sent him a letter
expressing his satisfaction (Gomes, 1876c). As for the hymn “Greeting from Brazil”,
Virmond and Nogueira (2014, 9) point out that the piece fell into obscurity after
a few additional performances during Pedro II’s stay in the United States. As
Lessa (2002, 17–18) points out, Cultural Diplomacy requires investment without
guaranteeing immediate returns, and often lacks clearly defined objectives. In
this specific case, Gomes’ hymn complemented broader efforts by the imperial
government to present a civilized and modern image of the Empire of Brazil to the
event’s public – even if such an initiative was not part of the Brazilian authorities’
original plans. Regarding this objective, the outcome was ultimately viewed as
disappointing: according to a report prepared by the Secretary of the Brazilian
Commission, “(...) what received praise at the Exhibition was almost entirely
the work of nature; the work of man played only a minor part (...)” (Coutinho
1878, 25, our translation)12. In other words, the Empire of Brazil continued to
attract foreign attention due to its agricultural potential and natural “exuberance”
rather than for any demonstration of civilizational or technological advancement.
12 “(...) o que mereceu aplausos na Exposição foi quase tudo obra da natureza; o trabalho do homem entrou aí
com pequena parcela (...)”
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From a broader historical perspective, the instrumentalization of Carlos
Gomes’s music in Philadelphia, initiated by Emperor Pedro II, is an early example
of a longstanding tradition of promoting Brazilian classical music as part of the
country’s Cultural Diplomacy. According to Fléchet (2012), this musical genre
remained at the center of Brazil’s musical initiatives abroad until the late 1950s.
We thus observe the inauguration of a specific form of international production and
engagement in which classical music functioned as a sign of civility, modernity,
and of belonging to the concert of nations (Dumont and Fléchet 2014; Fléchet
2012; Mattos 2025).
Concluding Remarks
Based on a historical and sociological discussion, this article has examined
how, under the Ancien Régime, artistic production was closely tied to monarchical
authority, whereas in Modernity the consolidation of the nation-state progressively
reconfigured this relationship by mobilizing culture as an instrument of diplomatic
projection oriented toward the nation rather than the sovereign. The Brazilian
episode discussed in this article illustrates how this broader transformation can
be observed, albeit in a context marked by tensions and historical discontinuities,
in a non-European setting.
The extended case analyzed suggests a set of political and cultural dynamics
in which Dom Pedro II’s patronage of music intersected with emerging forms of
national representation. In the context of the Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition of
1876, cultural production, particularly the music of Carlos Gomes, was mobilized
as part of an effort to project an image of Brazil as “civilized” and “modern.”
Rather than functioning as a fully consolidated diplomatic practice, this episode
can be understood as an exploratory configuration in which aesthetic and political
objectives overlapped.
Within this framework, Cultural Diplomacy is approached here not as a fully
stabilized institutional practice, but as an analytical lens to interpret the use
of cultural production in international projection strategies. While elements of
earlier representational logics remain present, the case indicates a gradual shift
in emphasis toward the projection of national identity, even if still mediated by
monarchical structures and symbolic hierarchies.
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From a historical sociology perspective, the analysis suggests that such
configurations may be read as part of longer processes through which cultural
forms became increasingly embedded in practices of international representation.
However, rather than claiming direct continuity with twentieth-century models
of Cultural Diplomacy, the article emphasizes the heuristic value of the case
in illuminating early articulations between music, state representation, and
international visibility.
Ultimately, the documentary material analyzed here contributes to an
understanding of how cultural practices participated in the symbolic construction
of Brazil’s international image in the late nineteenth century, showing how music
operated simultaneously as an artistic expression and as a medium through
which political meanings were negotiated.
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