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ASSOCIAÇÃO BRASILEIRA DE
RELAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS
ISSN 2526-9038
The politicization of (im)migration
in South America: innovative
responses and the weakness of legal
frameworks regulating mobility1
A politização da (i)migração
na América do Sul:
respostas inovadoras e a fragilidade das estruturas
legais que regulam a mobilidade
La politización de la (in)migración en Sudamérica:
respuestas innovadoras y la debilidad de los marcos
jurídicos que regulan la movilidad
DOI: 10.21530/ci.v18n3.2023.1376
João Carlos Jarochinski Silva2
Jorge Macaísta Malheiros3
Abstract
This article discusses, based in a literature review and the norms produced by South
American countries, how, despite the discourse of being a welcoming destination for
1 O artigo é fruto do Projeto Observatório da Emigração Brasileira/CNPq – Cooperação Internacional com
Portugal/UFRR (processo n. 441952/2023-2).
2 Doutor em Ciências Sociais pela PUC/SP com ênfase em Relações Internacionais. Diretor do Centro de
Ciências Humanas (CCH/UFRR) e Professor Adjunto do curso de Relações Internacionais e do Programa de
Pós-Graduação em Sociedade e Fronteiras (PPGSOF). (joao.jarochinski@ufrr.br).
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9510-216X.
3 Doutor em Geograia pela Universidade de Lisboa. Pesquisador e membro da direção do Centro de Estudos
Geográicos do IGOT (Universidade de Lisboa). (jmalheiros@campus.ul.pt).
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0976-044X.
Artigo submetido em 07/07/2023 e aprovado em 19/03/2024.
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immigrants, the region is characterized by institutional xenophobia, diculty for
migrants to access rights, profusion of “ad hoc” instruments for certain mobilities,
and diculty in building integrated regional responses. This process highlights the
politicization of the arrival of certain nationalities. In methodological terms, the
article uses a reflexive process based on bibliographic and documentary analysis
that focuses essentially on the contemporary situation (post-1990), preceded by a
brief historical contextualization.
Keywords: Migration Policy, South America, Politicization.
Resumo
Este artigo discute, a partir da revisão de literatura e das normas produzidas pelos
países da América do Sul, como, apesar do discurso relativo à posição enquanto
destino acolhedor de imigrantes, a região é caracterizada pela xenofobia institucional,
dificuldade dos migrantes em acessarem direitos, profusão de instrumentos “ad
hoc” para determinadas mobilidades e dificuldade em construir respostas regionais
integradas. Este processo evidencia a politização da chegada de certas nacionalidades.
Em termos metodológicos, o artigo recorre a um processo reflexivo baseado em
análise bibliográica e documental que se centra essencialmente na situação
contemporânea (pós-1990), procedido por uma breve contextualização histórica.
Palavras-Chave: Políticas Migratórias, América do Sul, Politização.
Resumen
Este artículo discute, a partir de la revisión bibliográfica y de las normas producidas
por los países sudamericanos, cómo, a pesar del discurso de ser un destino acogedor
para los inmigrantes, la región se caracteriza por la xenofobia institucional y
la diicultad de acceso a los derechos para los migrantes. Este proceso pone de
manifiesto la politización de la llegada de determinadas nacionalidades. En términos
metodológicos, el artículo utiliza un proceso relexivo basado en un análisis
bibliográfico y documental que se centra esencialmente en la situación contemporánea
(posterior a 1990), precedido por una breve contextualización histórica.
Palabras clave: Política migratoria, América del Sur, Politización.
João Carlos Jarochinski Silva; Jorge Macaísta Malheiros
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Introduction
The United Nations estimate that there were approximately 15 million
international migrants in Latin America & the Caribbean in 2020, a figure that
duplicates the numbers observed 15 years before and corresponds to the largest
relative continental increase in the world (UNDP 2023). Despite the slackening
in the growth of these numbers due to the barriers to international mobility
as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic between 2020 and 2022 (Mcaulie e
Triandafyllidou 2022), the mobility of Venezuelans, the largest migrant group
inside Latin America, continued to grow, reaching more than 7 million people
(R4V 2023).
Focusing only on South America, the information on the international
mobility of Brazilians and Argentines, respectively the first and third largest
national groups in the southern region of the American continent,4 continues
to grow, and the number of crossings between Colombia and Panama at the
Darién Gap also increased significantly (OIM 2023), contributing to the total
of almost 18 million South Americans living outside their country of origin in
2020. According to IOM data, about 70% of all this immigration occurs inside
the region (Sant’ana 2022). In addition, the arrivals of migratory groups from
the Caribe, such as the Haitians, and also from Asia and Africa, are accelerating
(Fernandes 2015), as well as the use of the region as a transit point to North
America (Yates e Bolter 2021).
This regional scenario highlights an increasing diversity of migrants and
a dynamic marked by a variety of international mobility formats, whether
they are border, single-life, intra or extra-regional, return, forced, transit,
labor, refugee, climate (Prieto-Rosas e Bengochea 2023), or resulting from
hypermobility movements (Iorio e Peixoto 2011), making the topic increasingly
important in the political and social debate. It is not that the theme does not
have historical relevance for the region, quite the contrary (Seyferth 2002).
However, the awareness that South America is fully inserted in the context
4 Regarding these movements of people leaving the South American continent, which are often carried out by
populations with higher levels of education, there is the consolidation of a state rhetoric that presents them
as a brain drain, which end up establishing return policies (Prieto-Rosas & Bengochea, 2023). This, in most
cases, has been presenting very modest results in terms of volume of returns.
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of what has been called the Migration Era (Castles e Miller 2009) has brought
about a rethinking of the human mobility processes in the region since the
colonial period, besides establishing a political context already very present on
the European continent and in the United States. Nowadays, in several South
American countries, the political discourse around migration policies have
on one side the supporters of an increasingly aggressive national regulation,
in order to meet the supposed state interests or the dominant political group
and, on the other, entities that defend regulations of a multilateral nature, in
which agreements between the dierent actors involved in the theme would be
prioritized (Peixoto 2019). However, the lines separating these groups are oen
unclear, to the point that there are parties of the right and le that advocate
similar programs (Jarochinski Silva 2020), even when these are incoherent
with the rest of their platforms, but which seem to make sense to their voters
or support groups.
Based on this changing reality, the text proposes to look at the South
American scenario in order to contribute to understand the reasons why
migration policies are constructed from certain repertoires that, oen, do not
seem to be coherent with: a) the locations that are, for the most part, both origin
and destination places for migratory movements; b) the permanence of a view
that rearms a colonial logic in the way the theme is dealt with; c) the existence
of xenophobia and racism in many of these countries towards migrants; d) the
diculties of these groups to access de facto rights, even if these are formally
attributed. The overall goal is to identify and discuss the politicization of
certain flows, which end up generating, on many occasions, state responses
that are called “exemplary”, receiving the typically colonial label of good
practices, but which are applied only to a few nationalities, not being assumed
as generalizable. standards These inconsistencies, that incorporate an implicit
discriminatory element towards certain immigrant groups, can be observed in
the way countries manifest themselves in the defense of their nationals living
in other States, while demonstrating enormous weakness in structuring their
immigration policies and in thinking about holistic and long-term responses
to more intense flows, as the case of the Venezuelans shows (Jarochinski Silva
e Baeninger 2022).
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To fulfil its goals, the article starts with a very brief reflection on the
history of mobility in the region and the ways in which the dierent authorities
in these countries have established policies and dealt with the issue in order
to reflect on whether the region can be seen as a welcoming place – as it likes
to self-proclaim – that respects the rights of migrants. This section is based
in a synthetical literature review aiming to set the context for the deeper
contemporary analysis of international migration in South America and
the political responses provided in successive political contexts along the
21st century. Then, the bulk of the article explores specific responses given
in the region, both in terms of the regulatory instruments and its eective
implementation, establishing some comparisons with the international
responses to immigration, because we want to reflect on the image that the
South American authorities wish to project of their institutions, not only
in the face of restrictive scenarios, such as the creation of barriers for their
nationals in European and North American countries, but particularly in the
face of challenging situations in the region, such as the Venezuelan exodus,
the increasing presence of some non-South American nationalities, and the
intensity of a refuge-seeking dynamic (Fernandes 2015, Jubilut e Jarochinski
Silva 2020b). Methodologically, this part takes on reflections supported by
specialized bibliography, to which are added elements of legislative analysis
(Residence Agreements of Foreigners between countries in Latin America,
Regularization Agreements, Reforms of Immigration Laws, accession to
international instruments directed for global management of migration such
as the UN Global Compact for Safe and Orderly Migration) and its application,
assuming “Acolhida Operation” implemented in Brazil and directed towards
Venezuelan migrants as a particularly illustrative case.
International Migration to South America:
selective immigration and the consolidation of the
new independent states
The history of modern migration in South America traces back to the
colonial period, marked by the influx of Europeans for mining, agriculture,
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and administrative roles, alongside the forced migration of millions of enslaved
Africans. Following the independence of most South American countries in
the nineteenth century, specific migration policies emerged aimed at replacing
slave labor, ensuring territorial occupation, and promoting population
whitening (Acosta 2018; Moya 2021). These policies relected a notion of
civilization that excluded indigenous and African descendants.
During the 19th and early 20th centuries, there was a significant migration
of Europeans to countries like Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay, driven by
economic and civilizational motives (Seyferth 2002). These migrants were seen
as ideal and contributing to the development of the “new” countries. However,
other migrant groups, notably Asians, faced barriers and discrimination that
devalued their presence.
Historically, immigration was viewed as beneficial, particularly when
migrants were European. It contributed to nation-building by creating an
“ideal” population and eectively occupying the territory. Economically, it
led to technical innovation and increased production, supporting capitalist
expansion. However, migrants involved in political or union activities
oen faced expulsion, revealing limitations to the notion of “free political
participation” and “melting pot” (Seyferth 2002; Simai and Baeninger 2011;
Grimson and Guizardi 2023)
Mobility in South America during the second half
of the 20th century: from immigration to emigration
and the progressive regionalization of international
migration
Since the Independence of the former Spanish and Portuguese colonies,
international migration to South America has been a crucial element shaping
the political, economic, and social landscape of the region, a trend that
persisted throughout the twentieth century. The process of industrialization
and urbanization, particularly from the 1950s onwards, facilitated internal
mobility within countries, followed by intra-continental international
migration, ushering in a new migratory dynamic. While European migration
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declined significantly, South American countries progressively became origins
or destinations for migrants in the region. Economic hardships, dictatorial
regimes, and political instability further fueled emigration from the region
to other continents, consolidating South America as both a source and
transit point for migrants, both within the region and beyond (Prieto-Rosas e
Bengochea 2023).
Immigration from Europe in the 20th century dwindled signiicantly
after World War II, with only a few exceptions like Portuguese migrants
seeking refuge from poverty and the Salazar regime in Brazil until the early
1960s. Meanwhile, South American countries increasingly saw themselves
as emigration countries, with migrants primarily heading to the United
States and Europe, particularly Spain and Portugal, from the 1980s onwards
(Izquierdo-Escribano, López de Lera e Martínez-Buján 2003; Malheiros 2007;
Pujadas-Rúbies, Bayona-i-Carrasco e Avila-Tàpies 2018). Amidst political and
economic instability, regional migration patterns emerged, including the
economic migration of Bolivians, Colombians seeking refuge in neighboring
countries and political dissidents fleeing to other parts of the continent or
abroad. Notably, Venezuela saw significant migration in the 1960s and 1970s due
to relative political stability in Punto Fijo5, with migrants escaping conflicts and
dictatorships in their home countries (Góis e Jarochinski Silva 2021; Grimson
e Guizardi 2023).
During the 20th century, the concept of refugee emerged in the
international context, becoming a part of human mobility in South America
(Jubilut e Jarochinski Silva 2020a). Even before the Geneva Convention, there
were small numbers of individuals who fit the definition of a refugee in the
South American context. However, it was not until the New York Protocol
of 1967 that part of the human mobility in South America could be formally
defined as refuge, eliminating temporal and geographic limits. While asylum
was already prevalent, there remains a distinct normative dierence between
5 The Punto Fijo Pact was a broad political arrangement initiated on October 31, 1958, with the end of the
dictatorship of Marcos Pérez Jimenez, articulated by the main parties of the country, the Democratic Action
– AC and the Committee of Independent Electoral Political Organization – COPEI, destined to guarantee
Venezuelan political stability through a consented alternation between them, under the agreement of
respecting the rules of the democratic game. The period also marked the Venezuelan economic increment
as a result of the international increase in oil prices in the 1970s.
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refuge and asylum, with asylum being a discretionary decision by state
authorities. Political instability in many regions made it dicult to determine
the persecuted, resulting in severe violations of human rights (Jubilut e
Jarochinski Silva 2020a). In this context, Colombia played a significant role
in expelling people from the country or forcibly displacing them within its
territory (Cuervo-Ramírez, Barbieri e Rangel-Rigotti 2018).
Because of that, South America was an important part of the expansion
of the concept of Refugee, for its relevant participation in the 1984 Cartagena
Declaration, which expanded the definition of refugee to include, beyond the
concept defined internationally in 1951 in the Geneva Convention, those who
leave their country as a result of situations of severe and generalized human
rights violations – because their life, safety, or freedom are threatened – or by
generalized violence, foreign aggression, internal conflicts, massive human
rights violations, or other circumstances that have seriously disturbed public
order (Cartagena Declaration on Refugees 1984).
In concrete terms, if the massive volumes of forced migrants registered in
Central America were the first justification to enlarge the concept of refugee
in the Cartagena Declaration, the reality of dictatorships that existed in
South America back in the 1960s and 1970s also influenced the outcome of the
decision-making process, as well as the movement of people persecuted by those
dictatorial regimes to Venezuela.
Finally, at the end of the 20th century, some countries, such as Argentina,
became the destination of more significant migratory movements, namely
Bolivians and Paraguayans. Identifying the presence of these groups, especially
when a long cycle of economic decline was beginning in Argentina, brought
public attention to the theme, mainly because poverty was associated with
immigration. “Bolivianization of poverty had the effect of increasing the
visibility of immigrants in Argentina in the 1990s: the previously excluded had
become foreignized.” (Grimson e Guizardi 2023, 209). Therefore, in the 90s,
Argentina was a pioneer in South America in the public debate on the issue of
immigration, aer years of being ignored or dominated only by a securitization
perspective. In the other countries of the region, this issue only entered the
public debate in the 21st century.
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The 21st century:
human mobility as a topic in the political agenda
The 21st century represents, at least from a political point of view, the
moment when the countries of South America reassume the theme of human
mobility as a fundamental element in the legal and political fields (Sant’ana
2022). The production of data, which has become more common, revealed that
the migratory features of this continent had changed when compared to the
situation observed in the previous century, with the emergence of migratory
routes on which many migrants circulated, over great distances and able to
cross several countries (Dias, Jarochinski Silva e Silva 2021). Furthermore, the
increasingly significant presence of extra-regional groups such as Haitians,
Cubans, Africans, and Asians has made the events more evident in the eyes of
the media and society, causing governments to begin to address the issue more
intensively (Fernandes 2015; Prieto-Rosas e Bengochea 2023). Recognizing
themselves as countries of destination and transit was paramount. It is also
important to point out that the discussions with authorities from the global
north, as was the case of the regional reaction to the Return Directive
6
established by the European Union in 2008, also brought light to the theme,
since the protection of nationals abroad became the agenda. In addition, part
of the civil society organizations, and some political groups implicated in the
migration issues took advantage of the appearance of the subject to politically
influence the construction of new migration policies at the regional level.
(Sant’ana 2022; Prieto-Rosas e Bengochea 2023)
All this is reflected in the increase of State debates related to migration in
this period. In the years before this political shi in South America, poverty
and social inequality were considered the main reasons for migration flows.
In addition, emerged a discourse suggesting that the region’s countries were
suering from a brain drain (Sant’ana 2022) that led, among other things, to
justify a discourse simultaneously of critique (to the receiving countries of
Europe and North America) and connection to the national Latin American
6 Directive 2008/115/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 16 December 2008, on common
standards and procedures in Member States for returning illegally staying third-country nationals (published
in the Oficial Journal of the European Union on the 24 December 2008).
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communities forming abroad, claiming their contribution to the development
of origin countries. Internationally, relevant attitudes could be seen when
Mercosur countries referred to the South-North dynamics, criticizing northern
countries for their barriers to immigrants and refugees. These countries
had a discursive logic that pointed to the need to receive migrants, besides
demanding a historical trade-o in many cases, claiming that the region has
received several immigration flows over the decades, mostly from Europe.
However, a completely dierent narrative is seen when there is a South-South
mobility dynamic, especially if the number of people coming from other places
is substantial (Gandini 2023; Villarreal Villamar 2023).
South-South movements (Jarochinski Silva e Baeninger 2021) have
reconfigured the dynamics of mobility and reception in the border areas of
South America, among other things, due to the already mentioned scenario of
increasingly intense restrictions on the entry of migrants from the South into the
Global North. It transformed the continent’s borders in areas beyond the daily
transit, established in a context of transnational living, marked by the regional
circulation of people already belonging to the South American Continent. This
picture changed with the growing presence of Caribbean immigrants and African
refugees, in addition to consolidating itself as a transit area to other destinations,
whether in the country itself or abroad. Undoubtedly, in the face of this South-
South mobility, the countries of the region have weaknesses and contradictions
in their policies, actions, norms, and rhetoric, which have grown stronger at a
later stage (Jarochinski Silva e Baeninger, 2021; Villarreal Villamar 2023).
Another point to be problematized is that countries in the region, due to the
consolidation of reactive practices, are oen not attentive to specific protection
needs, mainly for refugees. The emerging complexity of migration spaces, now
marked by mixed migratory flows (Crisp 2007; Betts e Collier 2017; Jarochinski
Silva, Bógus e Silva 2017) leads countries to privilege only one aspect of the
flows that operate there, ignoring distinctive dynamics that would justify the
need for focused public policies targeting certain groups, in a way that should
expand beyond the binomial categories of migrant and refugee (Jarochinski
Silva e Pérez Velásquez 2021), contemplating also other possible vulnerabilities
such as gender, age or belonging to an indigenous group (Jubilut e Jarochinski
Silva 2020a).
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The actions of South American states have brought diculties to all actors
-governments, civil society entities or international organizations – that work
with international mobility, because no eective mechanisms have been properly
developed, and in many cases, there is no political will to address speciic
vulnerabilities and protection needs. Since the end of the first decade of the 21st
century, prolonged crises have occurred in which Haitians, Venezuelans, and
Cubans in mobility are increasing the number of refugee applications received by
South American countries, that join to “classical” economic migrants. In addition,
there is a change in the profile of the migrants that incorporate more and more
women, as well as children and the elderly (Prieto-Rosas e Bengochea 2023). This
general picture is aggravated by the fact that there are:
Negative attitudes from natives toward immigration, poor housing, and
labor conditions among migrants, and the collapse of the refugee system
are some of the most worrisome features of this current situation in which
vulnerable migrant and refugee populations in the region face inequality
and struggle to achieve social inclusion (Prieto Rosas e Bengochea 2023, 62).
Within this context, some initiatives to deepen economic integration
involving the Mercosur countries, Bolivia, and Chile, have facilitated intra-
regional movement, such as the so-called Mercosur visas. The Mercosur
Residence Agreement, as well as other projects of regional movement
facilitation, that included the discussion of the issue in the framework of
Unasur, made that at the beginning of the 21st century, before the Venezuelan
exodus, the regional initiatives sought the creation, according to Diego Acosta
(2018), of a liberal legislation based on the human rights approach. However,
as the experience points out, there was a lot of resistance in the application
of these legislation by the countries in more complex situations. States would
prefer to adopt a reactive response, that is to say, the countries act on a case-by-
case basis, according to their ability to manage the flows and considering their
internal and external political interests (Jarochinski Silva e Pérez Velásquez
2021). In situations such as the recent Venezuelan mobility across the continent,
there was the implementation of migratory measures aimed at preventing
this movement, which oen reproduced the containment measures practiced
by the Global North that involve the use of technology to control the mobility
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of people. However, even with this approach, there is a significant increase of
a logic of intra-regional circulation that was partially facilitated by elements
incorporated in the legislative advances in the migratory theme.
According to Sant’ana (2022), one of the elements that can explain the
dynamics of intra-regional movements was the concentrated eort of South
American countries to adopt legal instruments that facilitate both the
movement of people in the region, mainly by signing agreements that allow
transit with the mere possession of national identity documents, such as the
Agreement on travel and return documents of the member states of Mercosur
and associated states, and the granting of residence in a simplified manner
to South American nationals, exempliied by the Residency Agreement
of Mercosur and its associates. However, the role played by an easier
regularization process must be problematized, particularly because South
American intra-regional mobility functions as a facilitating element and a
generator of opportunities in a context marked by inequalities and a variety
of socioeconomic and political circumstances that cyclically aect dierent
countries. Actually, restrictions on entry and settlement in the territory remain
and end up requiring a reinforcement in the adaptation of migratory strategies.
a) Pink Tide years (the late 1990s and the 2000s)
The ideological convergence of the so-called Pink Tide in South America,
in which a first cycle of political domination by so-called progressive sectors
occurred, was fundamental for the establishment of the foundations of a
rationale that presupposed the free movement of people in intra-regional
dynamics, besides the fact that progressivism allowed for greater activism on
the part of Civil Society, which demanded the reorganization, based on human
rights precepts, of the countries’ migration policies (Villarreal Villamar 2023).
This advance has created a dynamic of re-reading the migratory trajectories
of these countries, reinforcing the historical importance that immigration
had in its socio-political formation and economic development, recreating a
pro-migrant and pro-refugee narrative, which has culminated in laws, such
as Law 25.871 of Argentina and Law 18.250 of Uruguay. that are much more
favorable to the migrants, in terms of refuge, statelessness, transit, combat
to human tracking, and immigrant smuggling (Prieto-Rosas e Bengochea
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2023; Villarreal Villamar 2023). All these were highlighted and used as
elements of Foreign Policy when criticizing the countries of the Global North
for establishing control policies towards immigrants from the Global South,
including nationals of South American countries.
Villarreal Villamar (2023) also points out that during this period, several
South American States assumed the status of countries of emigration and
this contributed to support a narrative of transnational connection to the
“expatriated nation” that included initiatives to push for their rights abroad7
and also the construction of public policies to gradually promote and guarantee
the rights of immigrants. However, although we agree with the author, we must
point out that progress in this later domain has been relatively incipient, as
the example of two of the most prominent countries in South America, Brazil
and Argentina, shows. Both have changed their laws, Argentina in the early
2000s, Brazil in the second decade of the century, but since this new legislation
came into force, relevant diculties in its eective implementation have been
observed, resulting in a scenario of xenophobia, labor exploitation, increasing
economic and social vulnerability and diculty in accessing public policies. In
fact, when we look to the international indices that aim to measure the quality
of the policies targeting the integration of immigrants, such as MIPEX, we
see that South American countries, namely Argentina and Chile, are more or
less positioned in the middle of the ranking. Brazil occupies a more favorable
place, but still below the positions of the North American neighbors and some
European and Oceania states. And, remember, this only ranks the quality of
laws, not its eective application.
Besides the diculties in implementing what was established in law, there
were dierences between discourse and practice. First, it was clear that no
rights were guaranteed, especially no migratory regularization, when these
migrants came from regions outside the continent; the securitization of the
migratory legislation remained in many of the provisions, and, socially, no
work was developed to think about the integration and the valorization of these
7 The Agreement between the Federative Republic of Brazil and the Portuguese Republic about the Reciprocal
Hiring of Nationals, also popularly known as Lula Agreement, signed by the Brazilian and Portuguese
governments in July 2003 that opened an “window of opportunity” for the regularization of Brazilians in
Portugal and Portuguese in Brazil in the second half of 2003, is an example of such initiatives.
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immigrants, who continued to suer, in various parts of the continent, with social
and institutional xenophobia (Ventura 2017; Jubilut e Jarochinski Silva 2020b).
It also maintained processes of expulsion and deportation, in a perspective of
criminalizing these migratory movements (Villarreal Villamar 2023). Therefore,
despite the rhetoric and some concrete results in legal terms, the panorama
on immigration did not advance much, especially if we consider that from the
regional point of view, there was a discourse geared towards humanitarian
perspectives and marked by the aforementioned ideological proximity.
As a result of this dubious action, in many places, the theme of human
mobility has been taken up by sectors linked to conservatism and the extreme
right, inflaming discourses against migration, based on the fact that there
was an enormous ignorance about the theme that allowed the construction
of various narratives that blame immigrants for part of the social ills, mainly
related to unemployment and insecurity (Bauman 2017; Jarochinski Silva 2020).
As an example, a survey conducted in Brazil asked people what was percentage
of immigrants in the resident population. From the responses provided, it
become clear that Brazilians overestimate the number of immigrants in the
country, as respondents pointed out that their perception was that 30% of the
population was made up of immigrants, at a time when the ocial data pointed
out that this number was 0.4% (Ipsos 2019). Data collected for Peru, Colombia,
Argentina, and Chile also show this biased perception8.
b) The winds from the Right and the Venezuelan exodus (the 2010s)
With the end of the Pink Tide and the rise of political groups that defend
more restrictive migration policies, in which the supposed national interest
must prevail to the point of suggesting the imposition of immigrant quotas,
the increase and technological development of border controls, the repression
of irregular immigration and its consequent deportation, based mainly on the
perception of part of their electorate and the media’s use of some events related
to immigrants and refugees (Bauman 2017), part of the advances that should
have occurred aer the change in legislation stopped being developed when
they did not suer eective setbacks (Jarochinski Silva 2020).
8 Very interesting data is provided by the Public Perceptions Laboratory on Migration, available at: https://
laboratoriomigracion.iadb.org/#/en/
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Even the defense of emigrants from South American states has suered
a setback, as the deportations of their nationals who were in the United States
are no longer questioned by the authorities of some of these countries. Due to
this predominantly nationalist approach, the utilitarian view of the migratory
phenomenon becomes more latent and must primarily contemplate the interest
of the country to the detriment of a dynamic that considers these migrants and
refugees as people with rights that must be integrated into the place where they
are arriving.
It is worth mentioning that this political movement occurred precisely
when the Venezuelan exodus became more expressive, and countries took the
opportunity to establish reactions to this intense flow according to government
interests. The regional dynamics that had been established during the Pink
Tide were replaced, especially in the 2010s decade, by internal interests or
by the construction of new regional dynamics that excluded or hindered the
participation of countries in which progressive rulers were present, such as the
Lima Group (Góis e Jarochinski Silva 2021; Jarochinski Silva e Pérez Velásquez
2021). The association of the causes of this movement with the political precepts
of le-wing parties was quite significant, maintaining a utilitarian logic in
migratory movements, in this case, to attack opposing political groups in the
domestic sphere9.
The political, economic and social situation in Venezuela has led to a
massive exodus (Gandini 2023) and forced millions of citizens to leave the
country, many of them fleeing to neighboring countries or other countries
in the region, as they were escaping to the lack of food, medicines and other
essential products, as well as the generalized violence that makes Venezuela
one of the most violent places in the world (Baeninger, Jarochinski Silva et al.
2018; Páez 2019).
The magnitude of the Venezuelan exodus has no precedent in regional
terms, as shown by data collected in some destination countries (R4V 2023).
It is impressive that this mobility has a significant impact on most countries
on the continent, from Colombia, located in the north of South America and
9 As can be seen in this Brazilian governmental message. Socialism excludes, Brazil welcomes (O Socialismo
exclui, o Brasil acolhe – in Portuguese). https://www.gov.br/casacivil/pt-br/assuntos/noticias/2020/janeiro/o-
socialismo-exclui-o-brasil-acolhe.
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neighboring to Venezuela, to Argentina and Chile, located at the other extreme.
Migrants and refugees of Venezuelan origin head to countries that in recent
years have been predominantly characterized as countries of origin for flows,
such as Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru (Jarochinski Silva, Castro e Sampaio 2021;
Prieto-Rosas e Bengochea 2023).
In this regard, some countries, such as Colombia and Peru, have established
special systems and regulations to deal with the arrival of Venezuelans. In
contrast, others, such as Brazil and Ecuador, have used and adapted their
existing regulations to cope with this situation (Jarochinski Silva, Castro e
Sampaio 2021; Gandini 2023). But in general, what has been observed is the
promotion of actions that seek to create regulations for those who migrated,
such as extraordinary regularizations. These, aer regularizing those already
present in the national territory, develop mechanisms to prevent the entry of
new Venezuelans, in a response centered on a management of the flow that
prioritized “national protection measures”, hindering the advancement of
regional propositions that have also been worked on, as the specific application
for cases of severe and generalized violation of human rights. This only
belatedly begins to be applied to specific cases by Colombia, or by Brazil. In this
case, it takes place aer more than 3 years of intense flow (Jubilut e Jarochinski
Silva 2020a) and it is not applied prima facie, but as a simplified procedure,
situation that led to the non-recognition of more than 10,000 Venezuelans
as refugees in the Conare meeting of March 2023. Actually, even with the
recognition of the Serious and Generalized Violation of Human Rights, Brazil
remains as one of the countries with more Venezuelans awaiting the analysis
of their requests for recognition as refugees10.
To a greater or lesser extent, the countries of South America justify the
option of not governing their responses to this flow strictly based on their
legislation or international documents, by stating that it is a massive and
emergency flow. In the face of this position, it is impossible not to question
the role of such norms, because when the situation occurs and requires the
application of these measures, countries seek to establish practices that, although
in some cases may be valid, try to create mechanisms for non-application,
10 In 2023, Brazil aimed to shorten the processing time for asylum requests. By November 20, 2023, there were
103,713 Venezuelan refugees and 37,245 Venezuelan asylum seekers. (R4V, 2023).
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especially of rules that may be more favorable and protective to migrants
(Jarochinski Silva Castro e Sampaio 2021). “Acolhida Operation” 11 in Brazil.
In the case of Brazil, the Bolsonaro government’s opposition to the
Maduro government and the attempt to link this ruler to the Workers’ Party
(PT – Partido dos Trabalhadores), Lula da Silva’s party, led the government to
maintain the “Acolhida Operation” during the four years in oce, despite this
action being contradictory to the speech that Bolsonaro held as a candidate and
even as president. In fact, Brazil le the UN Global Compact for Safe and Orderly
Migration12 and, on some occasions, Bolsonaro even said that it is better to be
a migrant than a Brazilian, because the legislation was very protective. Other
interests were present in maintaining the “Acolhida Operation”, such as the
fact that Brazil was severely criticized (Amnesty International 2021) in relation
to its human rights policies, environmental preservation and protection of
indigenous peoples, and its migration and refugee policy is an oasis in the face
of these criticisms, since it received the seal of Good Practice. In addition, the
Operation ensured a lot of protagonism and importance to the Armed Forces,
the sector from which Bolsonaro comes. However, it is still surprising that a
ruler with such a negative view of migration and asylum has maintained an
action that has a significant value for the Brazilian budget and that part of his
electorate does not support. Despite the eventual attrition with part of the
electorate, the geopolitical gain of maintaining the Acolhida Operation has been
significant.
In this regard, it is surprising that during the Bolsonaro’s government,
the number of refugees recognized by Brazil jumped from approximately
11000 in about 20 years to more than 50 000 in just two years, mainly under
the recognition of the serious and widespread violation of Human Rights in
Venezuela, following the parameter created by the Declaration of Cartagena.
Compared with previous governments, these are impressive numbers.
Nevertheless, the contradiction of this policy became evident with Covid 19,
because even though the Serious and Generalized Violation of Human Rights
in Venezuela was recognized, the first land border to be closed was precisely
with Venezuela. This position goes against not only international norms and
11 Some texts in English use “Welcome Operation.”
12 It returned to the Global Compact in January 2023, under the Lula government.
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the Brazilian government’s recognition of the vulnerability of these people
(Jubilut e Jarochinski Silva 2020a), but also against the denialist policy that was
carried out by that same government, with terrible results in terms of number
of deaths.
Covid 19, on the Venezuela-Brazil border, was used as a justification for
closing the border and preventing the entry of these people. It is also important
to point out that due to the growing number of requests for asylum, the
Brazilian government reinforced tactics that would lead people to seek other
forms of regularization, mainly the residence permit, which, if requested by
the person, would lead to the process of extinguishing the request for refuge,
demonstrating that the interest was not with the agenda of protection of these
people, within the development of the institute of refuge, but in meeting
the wishes of the Brazilian State and its rhetoric regarding the subject. It is
important to point out that even with these contradictions and misuses, there
is no way to ignore some good results, such as the sheltering of people, access to
documentation and, the internalization of these people to other parts of Brazil,
in figures that already exceed 120,000 people. However, today there is a debate
whether the “Acolhida Operation” should serve all nationalities or whether it
should only address Venezuelans, reinforcing our argument of the political
use of it.
Final considerations
The reading of the responses provided, like so many others oered by
the South American States, reinforces the prevalence of an “ad hoc” position
in relation to the Venezuelan and other flows, such as Haitians, making it
challenging to create minimum standards of protection and subject to the
interest or not of governments in establishing welcoming and integration
policies. The historical dynamics of South American countries, whose socio-
political construction was largely supported by former European immigration
and today is also marked by immigration from the continent itself and other
spaces of the Global South, is not enough to guarantee that these countries are
in fact committed to the dynamics of regionalization of common themes, such
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as human mobility. Actually, it suers from the traditional ideological link that
characterizes most regional initiatives, that is, when the leading group of these
blocs is not politically aligned with a certain government, the latter withdraws
from the initiative, when it does not seek to create another alternative bloc, as
the case of the Lima Group and the deconstruction of Unasur illustrate. The
deconstruction of regional initiatives also weakens the State’s commitment to
the issue, as there is no charge for not maintaining commitments.
Today, in South America, there is the Pink Tide return (late 2010s/early
2020s) in some countries, which must take ownership of the migratory theme
to highlight its commitments to Human Rights and human dignity, as these
governments, even due to their historical and ideological narrative, should
emphasize a more protective and welcoming attitude towards migrants,
guaranteeing their rights and pushing for social integration. This is something
that goes beyond the colonialist standards stipulated by entities and countries
that prioritize a vision favoring the return to their origins as the most adequate
response to mobility.
If this progressive vision asserts itself and resists the counter-trends that
have established in Argentina and are emerging in Peru or even Chile, it is
hoped that they will assess the mistakes committed in the period in which they
were predominant in the first decade of the 21st century and carry out actions
that are actually committed to the theme. However, we know that this process
will require reflections and adaptations of postures, as there are contextual
factors that can be problematic. First, the resumption of normal diplomatic
relations with Venezuela poses a great challenge, since the application of the
Cartagena declaration, as some countries have done, has obvious diplomatic
impacts, which can make dialogue dicult with a government that minimizes
migration or deines the people who left the country as traitors. Another
complex point is to stop privileging certain nationalities in reception and to
exclude others, in a kind of schengenization of reception practices and document
facilitation, which excludes and makes many of these migrants vulnerable.
Another element to be highlighted is that despite the rhetoric valuing
migration, advances in terms of citizenship and participation are still limited.
Another important aspect is to note that even with the legislative advances
that marked the 21st century in most of these countries, it is challenging to
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implement the established measures, mainly in the face of a rhetoric that
alleges that the costs of receiving migrants and refugees are high, even more
for countries like those in the region, where autochthonous citizens also
experience high levels of economic and social vulnerability and also demand
from the state to achieve dignity in their survival (Betts 2010). It is important
to note that both right-wing and le-wing groups use this discourse, since it
has electoral potential (Bauman 2017; Jarochinski Silva 2020), as evidenced by
several elections worldwide. This instability reinforces the option for measures
that are taken reactively, according to the state’s interest in that mobility,
weakening rights, and the consolidation of governance.
Laws, by themselves, are not enough to ensure compliance with what
is established there. It is necessary to build a practice that overcomes the
utilitarian view still in vogue on migration in the region, because, only in this
way, migratory actions will be eective state policies, capable of reverberating
beyond borders and strengthening appropriate regional practices. Furthermore,
it is necessary to allocate financial, technological and human resources for the
implementation of actions on such a crucial topic, as the world reality and the
region itself demonstrate. Only in this way will the region have the coherence to
demand certain positions from other countries and value its own.
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